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Testing The Premise: Are Gays A Threat To Our Children?
A discussion of gay sexuality and homosexual molestation
Monday, September 26,2005
“...Evidence showing that pedophilia is in fact a
common part of the homosexual lifestyle is staggering… Homosexuals, while
representing perhaps 2% of the population, perpetrate more than one-third of
all reported child molestations.” – Colorado For Family Values [1]
“Individuals from the 1 to 3 percent of the population
that is sexually attracted to the same sex are committing up to one third of
the sex crimes against children.” – Timothy J. Daily, Family Research
Council [2]
“Our laws and social policies should protect children,
not cater to the whims and sexual desires of sexual predators. We must
oppose homosexual activism ‘for the children’s sake.’” – Traditional Values
Coalition [3]
When men molest little girls, they’re called
“pedophiles” or “sexual predators”; heterosexuality is never blamed
for the abuse. But when men molest little boys, they’re simply called
“homosexuals”, as though sexual orientation were responsible for driving these men to their crimes.[4]
Gays are singled out for suspicion of molesting children in numbers far out
of proportion to their presence in the general population.
Child sexual abuse has a profound impact on victims and their
families. Because we want to protect our children, we must ask: Are gays
disproportionately abusing children?
The Starting Point: What Do We Know?
When it comes to numbers, we know surprisingly little about child sexual
abuse. Official statistics are notoriously incomplete because too many cases
are never reported. Many researchers believe that many male victims who are
molested by men may not come forward because of the stigma surrounding
homosexuality. These victims often not only fear the false label of being gay; they may
also fear harassment or condemnation because of it. Fortunately,
our society has recently shown an admirable steadfastness in supporting these victims
when they do come forward, and their example has, no doubt, emboldened other
victims to do the same. If anything remotely positive could come from the
tragedy of the Catholic sexual abuse scandals, it is this: the stigma of
same-sex abuse has been lowered considerably, allowing more victims to come
forward.[5]
Unfortunately, this picture is very different with boys
who are molested by adult women. Sociologists and case workers have noted
that many boys who are sexually involved with adult women rarely complain
simply because they don’t believe they’ve been molested. In fact, they’re
likely to brag about their exploits to their friends, who in turn admire
them for being enough of a “man” to have sex with an older woman.[6] Such
sexual encounters are not only celebrated as a rite of passage, but are
glamorized in television programs, movies, music videos and advertising.
Because there is very little incentive in our culture to view this as
harmful, such encounters rarely turn up in official statistics.
Indeed, this very fact may result in a very significant
undercount of heterosexual activity between adults and minors. “Pedophilia
chic” has been a very important part of mass-media advertising for
decades, and by no means is it limited to glamorizing
young males. Brooke Shields was only fifteen when she announced that
“nothing comes between me and my Calvin Klein jeans.” Britney Spears has
taught an entire generation of elementary school girls to show their
midriffs, and Jon-Bonett Ramsey's murder introduced millions of Americans
to the child-pageant circuit in which parents dressed their little girls as
sexualized adults for competition and prizes. Indeed, there is a remarkable lack of shame in our
culture surrounding the heterosexual exploitation of young children and adolescents.
Against this backdrop, it is impossible to know how
many boys and girls are having sex with adults. And it is impossible to know
how many adult men and women are having sex with under-aged boys and girls.
But among those cases which are reported, males make up about 25-30% of all
child molestation victims, with females making up the remaining cases.[7]
And as of July, 2000 about 94% of all sexual predators
against juveniles who were reported to police were male.[8]
A Simple Question
So it would appear that according to official statistics, men who abuse
boys make up less than a third of all men who abuse children. And we know
that the proportion of gays in the general population is very small
– certainly much smaller than one-third. Some gay-rights activists
claim that gays make up 10% of the population, but this is not supported by
modern surveys. Others, especially those who oppose gay rights, claim
that the number is much smaller, on the order of 1-3%. While there are many
reasons to believe that this range is artificially low, most
large-population surveys support a figure of around 3%.[9],
[10]
What does this mean? Well, let’s say that we have
gathered 10,000 adults in a stadium and asked them one simple yes-or-no
question: “Are you gay?” If our 3% figure is correct, only 300
people in that stadium would answer "yes" to that question, with the remaining
9,700 saying "no."
And for someone who answers “yes” to that question,
what would we know about him? Most people would consider the answer
to be obvious: if he’s a man, he dates other men, he is sexually attracted to other
men, and because he is comfortable enough to answer “yes” to a stranger with
a clipboard, he is probably known by his family, friends and neighbors as
being gay. He certainly isn’t married to a woman, nor is he dating women or
doing much of anything else which would lead anyone to conclude that he is
anything but gay. And you can draw the same conclusions for a woman who
answer “yes” as well: she dates other women, is attracted to other women,
and is comfortable enough to answer the question in the affirmative. In
other words, visibly “out” gay men and women are typically the ones who are
confident enough to answer "yes" to these surveys.
This point may seem simple-minded, but it is very
important to keep in mind exactly who we're talking about when we're
discussing this three percent.
Anti-gay activists claim that upwards of a third of all child molesters who
happened to show up at our stadium can be found among these 300 “out” men
and women, while the remaining two-thirds would be scattered among the 9,700
“straight” people (or at least, those who claim not to be gay or
lesbian). Using just this assumption, Focus on the Family concludes that “a
child molester is 17 times more likely to be homosexual than heterosexual.”[11]
And how do we know that this three percent represents those who are
"out"? It's simple: these same surveys show that this three
percent does not include everyone who is behaving homosexually. Not only
does it exclude bisexuals, but it also excludes those who don’t identify
themselves as being gay for any number of reasons even though they engage
in homosexual behavior. According to the Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention, 57.1% of men who had sex with another man did not consider
themselves to be homosexual – or even bisexual.[12]
Another representative survey suggests that more than 20% of all men
admit to having had a homosexual experience[13],
a figure which, by the way, comes close to closing the proportionality gap of men abusing boys.
While this gives us our first clue that the claim made by
anti-gay activists is not all that it seems to be, it is far from convincing.
But it does show that a lot of people behave
homosexually without being among the three percent who identify themselves
as being gay.
To better
understand what is going on, we need to look much more closely at those men
who are abusing children. Fortunately, the professional literature is loaded
with such studies.
Are Gay Men Abusing Boys?
In the 1992 campaign for Colorado’s Amendment 2 (which would have prohibited
anti-discrimination laws based on sexual orientation), the group supporting
the amendment, Colorado For Family Values, repeated the charge
that 3% of the population was responsible for 30% of all child molestation
cases. By constantly repeating this charge, they were able to persuade
voters to approve the amendment (It was eventually overturned by the U.S.
Supreme Court). But Denver-area doctors, case
workers and investigators knew something wasn’t right with this charge based on what
they were seeing in their daily work.
This lead Dr. Carole Jenny and her colleagues[14]
to review 269 medical records of Denver-area children who were sexually
abused by adults. Of the 50 male children, 37 (74%) were molested by a man
who had been in a heterosexual relationship with the child’s
relative. Three were molested by women, five were molested by both parents,
and three others were molested by non-relatives. Only one perpetrator could be
identified as being possibly homosexual in his adult behavior.
Let’s consider what this means. If these men who abused
boys in this study were in our stadium, all but one would have answered “no”
to the question “Are you gay?” More importantly, if authorities were on the
lookout for gay child molesters, they would have missed 49 of these
50 sexual predators because they would have been hidden among the 9,700 in
our stadium who said they were not gay. And not only did
they say they were not gay, they were married, had girlfriends, or were
otherwise known to have sexual relationships with women. If law enforcement
had been
looking for the perpetrators among gay men, they never would have found
them.
Dr. Jenny and her associates concluded that even if you
use the worst case possibilities in their sample, no more than 3.1% of child
sexual abuse cases reported to the Denver clinic were abused by someone who
could be identified as possibly being gay, a proportion that is not
far from the number of gays in the general population.
Two Types of Predators
As surprising as this may be, it only confirmed what
Dr. Nicholas Groth, one of the leading experts in the study of child sexual
abuse, demonstrated some sixteen years earlier. In 1978, Dr, Groth and Dr.
Jean Birnbaum published a study of 175 convicted male child molesters in
which they determined:
“The child offender is a relatively young adult either
who has been sexually attracted to underage persons almost exclusively in
his life or who turns to a child as a result of stresses in his adult sexual
or marital relationships. Those offenders who are sexually attracted
exclusively to children show a slight preference for boys over girls, yet
these same individuals are uninterested in adult homosexual relationships.
In fact, they frequently express a strong sexual aversion to adult males.”[15]
Dr. Groth identified two classic types of child
molesters which he labeled fixated and regressed.[16]
The fixated molester is one whose development is “fixated” at
childhood. In other words, he has never grown up. He typically lives a
Peter-Pan existence, in a Neverland of childlike identity and behavior. Even
though he is physically an adult, he continues to identify himself with
childhood and with children. He does not form adult relationships easily, or
if he does, the relationships tend not to be very stable; instead, he sees
children as his peers. He surrounds himself with children and is most
comfortable with them. Other adults often see him as being “very good with
children”, which allows him to obtain a position of trust, possibly as a
role model, leader, caretaker or guardian.
Because his primary sexual interest is in children and
not adults, he offers us the classic definition of a “pedophile.” Because he is
fixated on children, he could not properly be considered to be either
heterosexual or homosexual – the idea of having sex with an adult of either
gender is often repulsive to him.
The regressed molester is very different. His
attraction to children is usually more temporary. It is sometimes a matter of
convenience, at other times, a matter of violent control or punishment.
Unlike the fixated molester, the
regressed molester’s primary sexual attraction is toward other adults. But
stressful conditions which go along with adult responsibly or difficulties
in his adult relationships may overwhelm him, causing his sexual attraction
to “regress” towards children. This regression sometimes serves as a
substitute for adult relationship, and his attraction to children may vary
according to the varying stresses he encounters in his adult life demands.
In some cases, he may temporarily relate to the child as a peer, much as a
fixated offender relates to children. But more often, he is simply
lashing out or relieving the stresses in his life, and the child becomes a
vulnerable and convenient target. He may find a sense of power in his sexual
relationship with a child that he is unable to obtain with adult, and in
these cases it is
not unusual for this relationship to become coercive or violent. But
regardless of the nature of the relationship, the gender of the child is
often irrelevant – it is easy access and vulnerability that makes the child a target.
Research has shown time and time again that regressed
offenders are very typically heterosexual in their adult
relationships. Unlike our three percent sample, they date women and marry
them. They often are parents, stepparents or extended family members of
their victims. By all appearances – and by their own self identification –
they are straight. Drs. Groth and Birnbaum emphasized this point, saying:
“In over 12 years of clinical experience working with
child molesters, we have yet to see any example of a regression from an
adult homosexual orientation. The child offender who is also attracted to
and engaged in adult relationships is heterosexual.”
[17]
(Emphasis in the original)
Are These “Straight” Abusers Lying?
You’re probably shaking your head right about now. Why
would a man who claims to be straight molest young boys? How could he not
be gay, even if he refuses to admit it?
This concerned Dr. Kurt Freund and his associates at
the Clarke Institute of Psychiatry in Toronto, where many convicted sexual
predators were sent for treatment. Dr. Freund devised a test to determine
whether their supposedly “straight” child abusers were lying. Using an
instrument connected to the subject’s penis, Dr. Freund and his colleagues
measured changes in its volume while the subject looked at pictures of nude
men, women and children.
These phallometric (penis-measuring) tests[18]
supported their conclusion that as a group, gay men were no more likely to
respond sexually to male children than straight men. Furthermore these tests
supported these sex offenders' statements when they claimed to be
gay or straight:
“These studies show that only rarely are sex offenders
against male children diagnosed as androphiles (homosexual in adult
orientation) and that phallometric diagnosis of gynophilic (heterosexual in
adult orientation) and androphilic volunteers almost always corresponds to
their claimed erotic preference.”[19]
So, they are clearly telling the truth – at least
according to how they responded physically to the nude pictures. When
they say they are straight, they respond to pictures of adult women, and
when they say they are gay, they respond sexually to pictures of adult men.
Yet Dr. Freund and his associates determined that gays are no more attracted
to young boys than straights.
How Could “Straight” Men Be Attracted To Boys?
If these molesters aren’t lying when they say
they’re straight, why would they abuse boys? What could possibly be the
attraction?
Dr. W.L. Marshall and his colleagues conducted a
similar set of phallometric tests on a sample of gay and straight men,
except this time they used more photos of young boys and girls covering a
wider age span. They noticed that for those gay men who were
attracted to males under 18, they tended to be attracted to young
men who were well past the age of puberty (age 15 or older), with
fully-developed adult
genitalia and other features which were characteristically masculine.
But heterosexual men, when they showed an attraction towards younger males,
tended to be attracted to pre-pubescent males (ages 9-11). Dr. Marshall and
his colleagues noted:
“Amongst the heterosexuals, the commonest remarks
concerning attractive features of the victims, were that the young boys did
not have any body hair and that their bodies were soft and smooth.”[20]
In other words, it was the feminine
characteristics of the young boys that straight child molesters found
attractive. This explains the apparent contradiction of straight men abusing
young boys. They really are straight, and when they abuse young boys, they are
responding to the feminine qualities of pre-pubescent boys, qualities
which the gay men in the study didn’t find appealing. After all, gay men are, by definition, attracted to men;
the feminine
characteristics of young boys were a turn-off to them.
“Homosexuality” and “Homosexual Molestation”
Part of the confusion between homosexuality and the
molestation of young boys comes from the terminology used by researchers
themselves. If an adult male molests a young boy, that type of molestation
is typically called a “homosexual molestation”. But when described this way,
the term “homosexual” is used as an adjective in its most literal sense –
the victim and perpetrator are of the same sex. It does not refer to the
sexual orientation of either the victim or the perpetrator.
[21]
Unfortunately, researchers aren’t always careful with how they use the
word “homosexual” in their academic writings. After all, they understand the
clinical meaning of the word and how the meaning shifts according to the
context in which it is used. “Homosexual abuse” merely describes the
same-sex nature of the abuser and victim, not the sexual orientation of
either the abuser or victim. They often use the shorthand “homosexuals” to
describe the men who abuse boys. But when they go the extra step of
determining the actual sexual orientation of child molesters, they tend to
be much more careful in their choice of words. Some, like Dr. Freund, prefer
the clinical terms “androphile” (attracted to men) and “gynophile”
(attracted to women) to describe those who are attracted to adults.
This distinction is a very vital point, one that most
anti-gay activists refuse to acknowledge. In fact, some are very hostile to
this idea. Peter LaBarbera, of Concerned Women of America, exclaimed, “Who
cares if a guy is married? If he’s molesting boys, that’s homosexual
behavior. It’s academic nonsense to talk about these people as
heterosexuals.”[22]
But it’s not nonsense at all. If a man is married, he’s not among the 3%
who claimed to be gay in our stadium survey. He’s certainly not among the gay couples who
are adopting children or seeking to marry. Instead, he’s among the vast
majority who claim to be straight. If law enforcement were to focus
their efforts on finding sexual predators among the “out” 3% who claim to be
gay, 97% of male abusers of young boys would go unpunished.
[23]
A Firmly Established Tactic
Yet anti-gay activists insist on spreading this
misinformation. Dr. Timothy Dailey (PhD, religion) of the Family Research
Council quoted Dr. Freund’s statement of “199 offenders against female
children and 96 offenders against male children… This would indicate a
proportional prevalence of 32 percent of homosexual offenders against
children.”[24]
But he ignored Dr. Freund’s clarification in the very same report that:
“the observed difference between the proportion of
offenders against boys among offenders against children, and the proportion
of androphiles (homosexual in adult orientation) among males who erotically
prefer physically mature partners, is so large that it should not be
overlooked. ...Androphiles actually responded significantly less to the male
children.”[25]
This clinical language can be
condensed this way: There is a big difference between men abusing boys and
homosexuality, with gays (androphiles) being “significantly” less interested
in male children. This echoes what Dr. Groth reported in 1982:
“The research to date all points to there being no
significant relationship between a homosexual lifestyle and child
molestation. There appears to be practically no reportage of sexual
molestation of girls by lesbian adults, and the adult male who sexually
molests young boys is not likely to be a homosexual.”[26]
But of course, you don’t see what the research really
says in Dr. Dailey’s article. Instead, you’ll find it filled with massive
misrepresentations of research findings – including those of Dr. Groth, who
denounced Dr. Dailey’s misrepresentation of his work:
“Since your report, in my view, misrepresents the
facts of what we know about this matter from scientific investigation, and
does not indicate that my studies on this topic reach conclusions
diametrically opposed to yours, I would appreciate your removing any
reference to my work in your paper lest it appear to the reader that my
research supports your views.”[27]
But no matter how loudly researchers denounce these
misrepresentations, the damage is done. This tactic
has become so firmly established, these activists are even willing to
lie to the courts. The Family Research Council submitted a
friend-of-the-court brief to the U.S. Supreme Court in 1999 for
The Boy Scouts of America vs James Dale, in which they said that “although
homosexuals account for less than two percent of the population, they
constitute about a third of child molesters.”[28]
Easier to Nauseate Than Educate
But no matter how often a lie is told, it
is still false. Dr. Michael R. Stevenson conducted an exhaustive review of
the social science literature in 2000, and concluded that “a gay man is no
more likely than a straight man to perpetrate sexual activity with
children,” and “cases of perpetration of sexual behavior with a
pre-pubescent child by an adult lesbian are virtually nonexistent”.[29]
The research is so strong that the American Academy of Child and Adolescent
Psychiatrists[30]
and the American Psychological Association[31]
have issued statements stating that there is no correlation between
homosexuality and child sexual abuse.
Anti-gay activists know that their claims are false.
They’ve read – and misquoted – research from the most knowledgeable experts
in the field. But they keep spreading it because they know it is effective.
Every parent would consider it his or her worst nightmare to discover that
their innocent child has been sexually violated. And anti-gay activists feed
on that fear to further their agenda because, as Colorado for Family Values
founder Tony Marco observed, “It is easier to nauseate than it is
to educate.”[32]
And while this lie is horribly libelous to gay men and
women, that’s only a small part of the damage. The real harm is to our children. As long as we remain suspicious of the wrong
people, predators will continue to have free reign to abuse innocent
children. If they remain free from scrutiny because everyone else is
focusing on gays and lesbians, more young lives will continue to be
shattered and more parents will suffer the agonizing heartache of learning
that they trusted someone who destroyed their child’s future. We must not
allow the far right to cynically jeopardize our children’s safety to further
their agenda. The consequences are far too severe for the next generation.
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REFERENCES:
1.
Colorado for Family Values, “Pedophilia: The part of
homosexuality they don’t want you to see.” CFV Report (March,
1994),
http://www.qrd.org/qrd/religion/anti/CFV/cfv.report.pt1-03.94.txt
(accessed April 2, 2005). [BACK]
2.
Dailey, Timothy J. “Homosexuality and Child Sexual Abuse.”
Family Research Council. (undated),
http://www.frc.org/get.cfm?i=IS02E3 (accessed March 28, 2005).
[BACK]
3.
Traditional Values Coalition, “Exposed: Homosexual child
molesters.” (undated),
http://www.traditionalvalues.org/pdf_files/HomosexualChildMolestersUrban.pdf
(PDF/218 KB, accessed February 26, 2005). [BACK]
4.
Kort, Joe. “Homosexuality and pedophilia: The false link”.
Kort’s Corner. No. 38, 2005,
http://www.joekort.com/articles50.htm (accessed September 21,
2005). [BACK]
5.
Finkelhor, David. “Commentary: The legacy of the clergy abuse
scandal.” Child Abuse & Neglect 27 (2003): 1225-1229.
[BACK]
6.
Holmes, William C.; Slap, Gail B. “Sexual abuse of boys: Definition, prevalence,
correlates, sequelae, and management.” Journal of the American Medical Association
280, no. 21 (Dec. 2, 1998): 1855-1862. [BACK]
7.
Finkelhor, David. “Current Information on the scope and nature of
child sexual abuse.” The Future of Children: Sexual Abuse of
Children 4, no. 2 (Summer 1994): 31-53. Abstract available online at
http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/entrez/query.fcgi?cmd=Retrieve&db=pubmed &dopt=Abstract&list_uids=7804768.
[BACK]
8.
Snyder, Howard N. “Sexual Assault of Young Children As Reported To
Law Enforcement: Victim, Incident, and Offender Characteristics”
(July, 2000) Washington, DC: US Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice
Statistics. NCJ-182990. Available online at
http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/ bjs/pub/pdf/caycrle.pdf (PDF/129 KB).
[BACK]
9.
Smith, Tom W. American Sexual Behavior: Trends, Socio-Demographic
Differences, and Risk Behavior. (April 2003) Chicago: National Opinion Research
Center ; shows that in 2002, 3.3% of men and 2.6% of women
participated in exclusively same-gender sexual activity in the preceding
twelve months. The survey notes that these percentages fluctuate
depending the length of time in which the same-gendered sexual activity
occurs, (12 months vs. 5 years) and the age of the respondents. For example,
5.1% of all men aged 30-39 participated in same-gendered sexual activity in
the past five years, and 3.7% of all women aged 30-39 participated in
same-gendered sexual activity in the past five years. This survey also
reviewed numerous other surveys between 1970 and 1997 which indicated
percentages of adult Americans with same-gendered sexual partners or
identifying with homosexual/bisexual orientation ranging from 1.6% to 6.5%,
depending on the definitions and methodologies used. [BACK]
10.
Mosher, William D.; Chandra, Anjani D.; Jones, Jo. "Sexual behavior
and selected health measure: Men and women 15-44 years of age, United States,
2002" Advance Data From Vital and Health Statistics; No 362
(September 15, 2005)
Hyattsville, Maryland: National Center for Health Statistics. .
Available online at
http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/ad/ad362.pdf (PDF/1,248 KB). Of men aged
18-44, 90% identified as heterosexual, 2.3% homosexual, 1.8% bisexual, 3.9%
"something else", and 1.8% did not answer. Of women aged 18-44, 90%
identified as heterosexual, 1.3% homosexual, 2.8% bisexual, 3.8% "something
else", and 1.8% did not answer. Unknown numbers those who answered
"something else" may have objected to the term "homosexual", preferring
"gay" or "lesbian", as many gays and lesbians find the term "homosexual"
offensive. See page 3. [BACK]
11.
Larry Burtoft, Setting the Record Straight: What Research
Really Says About the Social Consequences of Homosexuality (1994)
Colorado Springs: Focus on the Family, pp. 64-67.
[BACK]
12.
Mosher, William D.; Chandra, Anjani D.; Jones, Jo. "Sexual behavior and selected health measure: Men and
women 15-44 years of age, United States, 2002" Advance Data From Vital
and Health Statistics; No 362 (September 15, 2005). Hyattsville, Maryland: National Center
for Health Statistics, p.30. Available online at
http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/ad/ad362.pdf (PDF/1,248 KB).
[BACK]
13.
Seidman, Stuart H.; Reider, Ronald O. “A review of sexual
behavior in the United States” American Journal of Psychiatry 151,
No. 3
(Mar 1994): 330-339. [BACK]
14. Jenny,
Carole; Roesler, Thomas A.; Poyer, Kimberly L. “Are children at risk for
sexual abuse by homosexuals?” Pediatrics 94, no. 1 (1994):
41-44. Abstract available online at
http://pediatrics.aappublications.org/cgi/content/abstract/94/1/41.
[BACK]
15.
Groth, A. Nicholas; Birnbaum, H Jean. “Adult sexual orientation and
attraction to underage persons.” Archives of Sexual Behavior
7 no. 3 (1978): 175-181. Abstract available online at
http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/entrez/query.fcgi?cmd=Retrieve&db=pubmed &dopt=Abstract&list_uids=666571.
[BACK]
16.
Groth, A. Nicholas; Hobson, William F.; Gary, Thomas S. “The
child molester: clinical observations.” In Social Work and Child
Sexual Abuse. Edited by Jon R. Conte and David A. Shore. (1982) New
York: Haworth Press. pp. 129-144. [BACK]
17.
Groth, A. Nicholas; Birnbaum, H. Jean. “Adult sexual orientation and
attraction to underage persons.” Archives of Sexual Behavior
7, no. 3 (1978): 175-181. Abstract available online at
http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/entrez/query.fcgi?cmd=Retrieve&db=pubmed &dopt=Abstract&list_uids=666571.
[BACK]
18.
There is some controversy surrounding the accuracy of
phallometric devices. Like polygraphs, they are not admissible in
courts of law. There are no standards for measuring sexual
attraction, and individuals respond very differently from one
another. For this reason, phallometric tests are not universally
accepted as diagnostic tools – they cannot prove that a given
individual is gay, straight, or attracted to children. But they are
useful in assessing how large groups of people respond generally
to different situations, which is what we are discussing here.
One point of contention is whether
test subjects can fake their physical responses to sexual stimuli.
Most researchers who have looked into this have noted that while
some test subjects can suppress their response to sexual stimuli (by
not paying attention or ignoring the photos and spoken descriptions,
for example), it was rare for a gay subject to be able to
consciously fake an arousal with in the presents of heterosexual
stimulation or vice versa. More information can be found in the
following sources:
Adams, Henry E.; Motsinger, Patrice; McAnulty, Richard D.;
Moore, Aubrey L. “Voluntary control of penile tumescence among homosexual
and heterosexual subjects.” Archives of Sexual Behavior 21,
no. 1 (Feb 1992): 17-31. Abstract available online at
http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/ entrez/query.fcgi?cmd=Retrieve&db=pubmed&dopt=Abstract&list_uids=1546933
Mahoney, John M.; Strassberg, Donald S.
“Voluntary control of male sexual arousal.” Archives of Sexual
Behavior 21, no. 1 (Feb, 1991): 1-16. Abstract available online at
http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/entrez/query.fcgi?cmd=Retrieve&db=pubmed&dopt=Abstract &list_uids=2003767.
McAnulty, Richard D.; Adams, Henry E. “Validity
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Walker, Ken. “Homosexuals more likely to molest kids, study
reports.” Baptist Press News, (May 30, 2001)
http://sbcbaptistpress.org/bpnews.asp?ID=11002 (accessed July
29, 2005). [BACK]
23. Jenny,
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sexual abuse by homosexuals?” Pediatrics 94, no. 1 (1994):
41-44. Abstract available online at
http://pediatrics.aappublications.org/cgi/content/abstract/94/1/41.
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24.
Dailey, Timothy J. “Homosexuality and Child Sexual Abuse.”
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http://www.frc.org/get.cfm?i=IS02E3 (accessed March 28, 2005).
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Freund, Kurt; Heasman, Gerald; Racansky, I.G.; Glancy, Graham. “Pedophilia
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Groth, A. Nicholas; Gary, T.S. “Heterosexuality, homosexuality
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orientation.” In Male Rape: A Casebook of Sexual Aggressions,
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Groth, A. Nochilas. Letter to Timothy J. Dailey, Ph. D., Family
Research Council. June 10, 2002. Included in the Human Rights
Campaign’s press release dated June 14, 2002,
http://www.hrc.org/Content/ContentGroups/News_Releases/20021/Researcher_Cited_in_Anti-Gay_Report_Criticizes_the_Study_as_Biased_and_Misleading.htm. While Dr. Groth’s study has been
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28.
Amicus curiae brief of the Family Research Council.
Boy Scouts of America, et al., v. James Dale, US Supreme
Court, docket 99-699. p. 23, Available online at
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statement: Sexual Orientation and Civil Rights (October 1992).
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adolescents.” [BACK]
31.
American Psychological Association. Resolution on Sexual
Orientation, Parents and Children. (July 2004) Available online at
http://www.apa.org/pi/lgbc/policy/parentschildren.pdf (PDF/105
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being sexually abused by adults, ostracized by peers or isolated in
single-sex lesbian or gay communities have received no scientific
support.” [BACK]
32.
Citizens Project. “CFV holds ‘Community Watch’ seminars.”
Freedom Watch (April-May, 1993) [BACK]
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